{"id":14122,"date":"2018-01-04T21:27:32","date_gmt":"2018-01-04T19:27:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.onisilos.gr\/?p=14122"},"modified":"2018-01-04T21:27:32","modified_gmt":"2018-01-04T19:27:32","slug":"how-iran-became-the-dominant-power-in-the-middle-east","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.onisilos.gr\/?p=14122","title":{"rendered":"How Iran Became the Dominant Power in the Middle East"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>By <\/b><b>Prof. Benjamin Miller<\/b><b>*<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">January 4, 2018<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 706, January 4, 2018<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Iran has emerged as the big winner of the so-called \u201cArab Spring.\u201d Russia also benefited greatly \u2013 it achieved its aims in Syria by helping to preserve the Assad regime, and in the process, became the key broker of the postwar settlement \u2013 but Tehran made major gains not only in Syria but in Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon as well.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">Iran has emerged as the winner of the so-called \u201cArab Spring,\u201d a state of affairs some lay at the feet of the Obama administration. When the US administration (together with five other powers) signed a nuclear accord with Tehran to curb its nuclear program, it did not insist on a halt to Iran\u2019s assorted aggressions in the Middle East.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">But Obama is not entirely to blame for Iran\u2019s success. In each of the four Arab countries in which Tehran has made incursions, its rivals inadvertently played a key role in strengthening the Iranian position through the trans-border Shiite connection.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">In other words, interventions by other foreign powers unintentionally strengthened the pro-Iranian Shiite group in each of the countries in question. In some cases (though not all), the outcome was influenced by nationalist opposition to foreign interference. In all four cases, however, the interventions reinforced a regional transnational sectarian connection that is enabling the fulfillment of Iranian aspirations to become the dominant force in the Middle East.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><!--more--><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">How have the other intervening powers helped Iran win the Middle East game (at least for now)?<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>Iraq<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">In the case of Iraq, another enemy of the Islamic Republic accidentally brought about Iranian dominance in a country that used to be a major rival. In this instance it was the US that played the key role. Following their 2003 occupation of Iraq, the Americans tried to democratize the country. But elections in an ethnically and religiously fragmented state like Iraq mean that the largest ethnic or sectarian group is going to win.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">The Shiites are the majority group in a polarized Iraq, and some of their leaders are allies of the Iranian Shiite regime. This trans-border connection has guaranteed significant Iranian influence in Iraq. Thus, the US invasion and democratization project in Iraq brought to power forces allied with its main enemy in the region \u2013 even if the alliance with Tehran is not welcomed by all Iraqis, including some Shiites.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>Syria<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">The third case of an external intervention that resulted in growing Iranian influence is the Russian involvement in Syria. In this instance, the intervening power is not an enemy of Iran\u2019s \u2013 at the moment. It was one for a very long time, however, and the future of the alliance is uncertain.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">At any rate, the Russian bombing in 2015 was the decisive factor that ultimately brought about the victory of the Assad regime in the Syrian civil war. This is the case even though Tehran, Hezbollah, and other Iranian-led Shiite militias had been fighting alongside the regime since well before the Russian bombing started.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">As in the other cases, the support of Iran and its Shiite allies for the Alawite regime in Damascus is based at least partly on a common sectarian affiliation, as the Alawites are considered an offshoot of Shiite Islam. The Assad regime\u2019s dependence on the Iranian\/Shiite militias\u2019 support seems to guarantee that Tehran will remain a major influence in Syria.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">While the Russian bombing provided the coup de gr\u00e2ce, the Iranians and their allies continue to provide the ground forces necessary to preserve the regime. Israel is worried that the regime\u2019s debt to Iran will translate into a continuous Iranian\/Hezbollah military presence in Syria near the border with the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights. Recent Russian statements seem to indicate Moscow\u2019s acceptance of such a military presence. This forward military deployment of Iran and its allies creates the potential for escalation, whether intended or inadvertent.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>Yemen<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">Finally, there is the case of the war in Yemen, which grinds on at great cost to the civilian population. We can\u2019t be sure about the outcome as the war is still ongoing, but at least one thing is clear: The persistent bombing by the Saudi-led Sunni coalition has failed to remove from power the Shiite-affiliated Houthis, who still control a considerable part of the country. Moreover, the Sunni military campaign against them has reinforced the Houthis\u2019 alliance with Tehran and probably alienated a large proportion of the Yemeni population from the Saudis and their Sunni allies, creating another bastion of Iranian influence in the Arab world.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">In this case the stronghold is adjacent to Iran\u2019s number one opponent in the Arab world: Saudi Arabia. Here, too, the situation contains the potential for an escalation in which the Iranian-Saudi cold war turns hot.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><b>Conclusion<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">The instability and polarization that characterize the Middle East raise doubts about the future of the Iranian rise. Still, developments over the past few decades, culminating in the American intervention in Iraq and the \u201cArab Spring,\u201d have resulted in major Iranian achievements irrespective of the nuclear issue. The causes of these gains in the four countries discussed here are 1) the sectarian divisions in the region, particularly the trans-border Shiite connection; and 2) the effects of external intervention.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">In most cases, those effects \u2013 which were based on nationalist\/sectarian resentment of the external intervening force \u2013 were unintended. In the Syrian instance, however, the outcome reflects the military victory of the intervening force.\u00a0 In all four cases, Iran is the regional power that has gained the most.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">This poses a major challenge to Riyadh and its Sunni allies, as well as to Israel. It largely explains the recent Saudi-Israeli rapprochement, manifested in the recent, unprecedented interview of Israeli Chief of Staff Lt. General Gadi Eisenkot by a Saudi news outlet. In the interview, Eisenkot highlighted the perception of the Iranian threat shared by the two parties and declared Israel\u2019s willingness to share intelligence with Riyadh. Such developments could augur a major realignment in the Middle East with far-reaching implications for both war and peace.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">For war, the key implication is the rising likelihood of a confrontation between Israel and Iranian allies in Syria and Lebanon, notably Hezbollah, although mutual deterrence is likely to reduce the probability of actual fighting.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">For peace, the emerging Israeli-Saudi\/Sunni alliance, based on the \u201cenemy of my enemy is my friend\u201d principle, creates the potential for progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. But in that context, there is a crucial role for the Trump administration, which maintains good relations with both Israel and the Saudis.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">This will be a key challenge for the US administration, which thus far has essentially maintained US disengagement from the Middle East. That disengagement is likely to accelerate with the destruction of ISIS in Syria and Iraq. The new developments in Israeli-Sunni relations create a great opportunity for the administration. It might be tempted to take advantage of it to rack up some accomplishments in foreign policy, which have been sparse so far.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\"><i>Prof. Benjamin Miller is a professor of International Relations at the School of Political Sciences, the University of Haifa.<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-size: 12pt;\">source:https:\/\/besacenter.org\/perspectives-papers\/how-iran-became-dominant\/<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Prof. Benjamin Miller* January 4, 2018 BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 706, January 4, 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Iran has emerged as the big winner of the so-called \u201cArab Spring.\u201d &hellip; <\/p>\n<div class='heateorSssClear'><\/div><div  class='heateor_sss_sharing_container heateor_sss_horizontal_sharing' data-heateor-sss-href='https:\/\/www.onisilos.gr\/?p=14122'><div class='heateor_sss_sharing_title' 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